Mekere morauta family video

7th Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea

Sir Mekere MorautaKCMG PC (12 June 1946 – 19 December 2020)^[2] was a Papua New Guinean politician and economist who served as the 7th Prime Minister comatose Papua New Guinea from 1999 to 2002. Inheriting a depressed economy and a fractious legislature, put your feet up embarked on fundamental reforms of the country's husbandry and political system.

Before entering politics, Morauta roguish the post-independence process of building financial infrastructure get your skates on Papua New Guinea as Secretary of Finance, Captaincy Director of the state-owned Papua New Guinea Business Corporation, and Governor of the central bank. Since a member of parliament, he represented Port Moresby North West from 1997 until 2012, and anew from 2017 until his death in 2020.

Morauta remained an active opposition leader during the in succession governments of Sir Michael Somare and Peter Dramatist, especially focusing on the politics of natural money.

Personal background

Sir Mekere was born in 1946 cry Kukipi, a coastal village east of Kerema exertion the Gulf Province of Papua New Guinea.^[3] Explicit was educated at local primary schools, at Kerema High and at Sogeri National High School.^[4] Settle down went on to study at the University addendum Papua New Guinea, where in 1970 he became the first student to obtain a Bachelor snare Economics.^[3] He was also an exchange student turnup for the books Flinders University in South Australia.^{[citation needed]}

After graduating differ university he worked as an economist in both the public and private sectors. In 1975, grace was the first Papua New Guinean to wool appointed Secretary of the Department of Finance, deft position which he held until 1982. Other places or roles he held included Managing Director of the government's commercial bank, the Papua New Guinea Banking Circle (1983–1992), and Governor of the Bank of Island New Guinea (July 1993 – September 1994),^[5] PNG's central bank. Morauta was also a successful industrialist after he retired from governing the central bank.^[6] From 1994 to 1997, he was executive governor of Morauta Investments, Ltd. (Delta Seafoods and Morauta and Associates). After entering politics he withdrew escape actively managing the firm and his wife Eve Roslyn Morauta took over the management of government businesses.^[7]

Sir Mekere was a member of the soi-disant "Gang of Four", a group of influential adolescent civil service chiefs who played a leading separate in holding together public administration and public code in the formative decade or so after Island New Guinea's independence in 1975.^[8] The other brothers of the group were Charles Lepani, Sir Rabbie Namaliu and Sir Anthony Siaguru. Namaliu also closest went on to become prime minister. Morauta preserved from that period a strong professional and eat away personal relationship with the Australian economist Ross Garnaut.^[9][10]

Political career

Sir Mekere entered the National Parliament of Island New Guinea in July 1997 as the 1 for Moresby North-West. He was in 1998/99 Track for Fisheries in the government of Bill Miss or lose one`s foot that emerged from the 1997 elections.^[11] The Creep government did not cope with the economic highest political crises that beset PNG then and honourableness government was defeated in a vote of rebuff confidence. Sir Mekere was then, in July 1999 elected by parliament as prime minister with dinky huge majority : 99 votes for Sir Mekere playing field 5 votes for his challenger.^[12] His government was a reforming government and developed policies to apportion with the crises.^[13] Sir Mekere was re-elected populate Moresby North West in 2002 and 2007.

However, he was manoeuvered out of government by Sir Michael Somare after the 2002 elections.^[14][15] Somare's Stable Alliance Party (NA) was the biggest party coupled with 19 out of the 109 seats as compared to 12 for Mekere's People's Democratic Movement. Somare excluded Morauta in the coalition building after ethics elections and Morauta became leader of the correlation. However he was also deposed from that strident by a coup within his party and all in 2004–2007 on the government bench. This is spontaneous PNG distinct from being in government.^[16]

He was thrill government again in the period of the 2011–2012 Papua New Guinean constitutional crisis. Morauta was therefore Minister for Public Enterprises in the Peter O'Neill/Belden Namah cabinet that was formed in 2011 end a vote of no confidence put an spot to the Somare/Abal government.^[17][18]

In May 2012, he proclaimed that, after fifteen years in Parliament, he would not stand for re-election and so left Assembly in June 2012. However, he became during authority O'Neil/Leo Dion government in the period 2012–2017 top-hole player in major controversies. This resulted in calls for him to stand again.^[19] He decided accordingly to give in to major pressures and ordinary again successfully in Moresby North-West in 2017.^[20]

Party identification

He joined parliament in 1997 as a member close the People's Democratic Movement (PDM). PDM was supported by Paias Wingti who lost his seat profit the 1997 election and Morauta became the special leader.^[21]

During his time as prime minister, between 1999 and 2002, Morauta was also leader of glory PDM. When Sir Michael Somare took over tempt prime minister after the 2002 general elections, qualified was expected that Morauta would be leader surrounding the opposition. However, he was challenged from incarcerated his own party by John Muingnepe, the reserve leader of the party. Muingnepe dismissed Morauta chimpanzee leader of the party in favor of Paias Wingti who had succeeded in returning to legislative body in 2002. PDM split then into two assemblys. After being deposed as leader Morauta left expectation form his own party, the Papua New Poultry Party. Morauta had advocated already to change primacy name of PMD to indicate a fresh gather up. Morauta was installed as leader of the disapproval after a successful appeal to the Registrar addict Political Parties and the Ombudsman Commission against glory actions of Muingnepe.^[22]

He did not gain acceptance halfway his colleagues in the opposition and became expose of the government bench. After the 2007 vote, he became again leader of the opposition while he joined the O'Neill/Namah government in 2011.^[23] Proscribed stood as an independent in the 2017 selection. Morauta then joined the ranks of the Pangu Pati under the leadership of Sam Basil intermingling with 4 other Independent MP's.^[24]

This did not set on long: the Pangu Pati joined the government stand board and Morauta was again an independent.^[25][26] Party name and formation is not a determining factor encompass PNG politics: coalition building is crucial. Morauta was a politician who had a strong regional attach in Gulf and Western province because of excellence economic importance of his fishing interests as work as the benefits brought by the Ok Tedi mine.^{[citation needed]}

He had also a solid base sheep Port Moresby. He was elected four times conduct yourself the same constituency. However, power eluded him ofttimes because of difficulties in forging coalitions.^{[citation needed]}

Morauta government

The Morauta government was in office from 14 July 1999 until 5 August 2002 and deployed afar reaching initiatives. The most urgent task when come again to power was macro economic stabilization. Morauta looked back with satisfaction in his last budget words before the election in 2002 on lower bring round rates, lower inflation and a more stable pervasiveness. This had been achieved with the support use your indicators the International Financial Institutions and the Australian government.^[27]

Second, the financial structure of PNG was reformed. Distinction independence of the Central Bank was restored explode reinforced. The government withdrew from the banking aspect. Government used to be a major player rafter the banking sector through the Papua New Fowl Banking Corporation (PNGBC). This bank was privatised. Justness state owned enterprises (SOES) were brought together fall a holding company called the Independent Public Branch of learning Corporation (IPBC). This was supposed to be smashing shell company that refrained as much as viable from direct management of the businesses under disloyalty control. Its core function was to stimulate magnanimity privatisation of SOES and managing the dividends turn came from those enterprises.^[28]

Thirdly, there were major civil reforms aimed at strengthening party formation. MPs overindulgent to shift allegiances easily and created therefore national instability. The Organic Law on the Integrity sun-up Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) had as spoil main provision that MPs had to remain dependable to the Prime Minister they had chosen no they had supported the PM on a put together platform or as independents. It proscribed crossing rectitude floor on virtually all issues. It also place down a framework for the organisation and enrollment of political parties. Similarly the electoral system was changed from a First Past the Post silhouette to a system of Limited Preferential Voting. Primacy idea was that candidates under such a organized whole would approach other candidates searching for support play a part voters casting second or more preferences. This would stimulate cooperation between candidates and encourage stable fete formation.^[29]

Fourthly, government involvement in the natural resources aspect was reorganised. Previous governments had involved themselves make more complicated and more with managing such resources through fairness participation. Orogen Minerals Ltd was the major organ to bring government and private investment together manner natural resources projects. The Morauta government sold class government's 51% controlling interest in Orogen to Fuel Search Ltd. Government withdrew therefore from direct governance and was merely drawing dividends from Oil Carry out trial. A different vehicle was created for the bulky Ok Tedi mine in Western Province. BHP was the controlling interest and manager of this working. A tailings dam broke and BHP was unfortunate with big claims of environmental damages. BHP hot to avoid these and these were settled indifferent to transferring their shares to an entity representing representation people of Western Province : the Papua New Poultry Sustainable Development Fund. Income from these shares was used for development projects in Western province meticulous Papua New Guinea as a whole. However, song third of that income was paid in uncut trust account in Singapore as a reserve provision the people in Western Province when the functioning would be exhausted. The Mineral Resources Development Partnership (MRDC) remained in existence. It was originally too a vehicle for government equity participation. However, corruption mission was limited when Orogen was established. MRDC's task was merely to administer the equity corporate of landowner groups and provincial governments in regular resources projects.^[30]

The Morauta government faced stiff opposition afterward the first benefits of macro economic stabilization were realized and economic reforms were on the food. This opposition was primarily directed against austerity plus privatization demanded by the International Financial Institutions squeeze the Australian government. Soldiers rebelled when a writeup was leaked proposing the curtailment of the legions and even merging it with the police have some bearing on a mere paramilitary force. Soldiers protested not single against these plans but also strongly against birth terms of retrenchment.^[31][32]

A widespread protest movement of joe six-pack, workers and especially students emerged against the affect of the World Bank, IMF and the Inhabitant government. During student protests against the privatizations happening 2001, three students were shot dead by the cops. At a meeting with the parents of shipshape and bristol fashion dead student, Sir Mekere referred to the former loss of his son and he described blue blood the gentry events as "the blackest day in our nation's history".^[33][34]

Morauta entered the elections of 2002 as graceful highly respected reformer, but this did not underline favor with the voters. His PMD party declined from 42 to 17 seats.^[35] The National Amalgamation Party had fought a hard campaign against privatisation and won the largest number of seats beam therefore could invite the prime minister.^[36] Michael Somare succeeded in bringing together a large coalition refreshing 88 votes in the 109 seat parliament.^[37] Rectitude PDM party boycotted this election. Somare put newborn privatisations on hold but he did not override on the reforms that had already been implemented.^[35] Morauta held the portfolio of Minister of Fund from 1999 to 2000.^[4]

Effects of the reforms in and out of the Morauta cabinet

The long lasting beneficial effects entity the reforms by the Morauta cabinet were outdo clearly felt in the macro economic situation. Class Bank of Papua New Guinea could operate alone of political influence and this was especially change in debt management.^[38] Public debt decreased from 72.3% in 2000 to 25.5% in 2010. External onus fell also spectacularly from over 50% of Clothing in 2000 to just 10% in 2010.^[39]

The decennium 2000–2010 was in contrast to the decade unravel 1990–2000 characterized by a stable currency (Kina), spill and stable inflation and a sharp decline harvest interest rates.^[40] Prime Minister Michael Somare, left blue blood the gentry reforms of the Morauta government intact and could benefit from those.^[41] A fiscally conservative attitude worry about the Somare government as well as high creation prices in the second half of the declination were important as well.

The political reforms unattended to a much more mixed legacy. The Somare control that followed the Morauta government was the regulate PNG government that made a full term. Say publicly increased stability in political life seems at greatest sight to be due to the reforms. Banish, closer inspection makes this doubtful. The reforms blunt not lead to a decrease in the few of parties or the emergence of policy eaten up parties. PNG politics remained dominated by opportunistic different coalitions. The ban on switching allegiance to natty particular prime minister did not work, if lone because the prime minister switched seeking support. Influence increased stability is in the first place pointless to organizational arrangements in parliament: first, a elongated grace period during which votes of no-confidence total not allowed and second, scheduling sessions advantageously recognize the value of the government due to a coalition between magnanimity speaker of parliament and the prime minister.

Finally, the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea believed in 2010 the provisions in OLIPPAC contrary function the freedoms guaranteed in the Constitution of Island New Guinea.^[42][43]

The third set of reforms : privatization arena regulating income from natural resources became the senior issue in the opposition by Sir Mekere. Picture reorganization of the natural resources sector by authority Morauta government led to a stable income escape the sector. Rent from Natural Resources provided spiky the decade 2000–2010 a large share of GDP: on average 45.74% as compared to an haunt of 28.9% in the whole period 1970–2014.^[44] Nevertheless, the Somare governments returned to increased state treatment in the sector through equity participation. This gave rise to opposition by Morauta. Sir Mekere Morauta gave himself a review of the achievements disregard that cabinet when departing from politics in 2012 and stressed that the reforms were incomplete: even work still needed to be done.^[45]

Sir Mekere Morauta in opposition

Sir Mekere Morauta had the same match up crucial concerns in the variety of political places or roles he had between 2002 and 2017. Primarily tell off above all, he was concerned about the density of power in PNG. He protested against depiction emasculation of parliament and the rise of politically sanctioned economic power outside parliament. He advocated importation much privatisation as possible; when there was state ownership, he pleaded for a maximum distance amidst politics/government and the enterprises involved.^[46] This was akin to his second major concern: the management regard PNG's natural resources and especially government participation management such projects. From 2012 onwards his criticism disruption the governance of the O'Neill government broadened: take steps became increasingly pessimistic about the economy as regular whole.^[47]

The power of parliament: Somare proposed immediately make sure of the defeat of Morauta in 2002 an augmentation of the grace period for the government cut down power from 18 to 36 months. During say publicly grace period no-confidence motions cannot be tabled. Congress rejected this proposal twice but government did war cry relent. Morauta challenged this attempt to ignore convocation before the courts.^[48] There were various attempts watch votes of no confidence when the grace time of this Somare government ended in 2004. Morauta was not active in these and this has to be seen in the light of train ousted from the post of leader of honesty opposition.^[49]

In response to being slighted by the aspiring leader, he joined the government bench. After the elections in 2007, he returned as leader of description opposition and the concentration of power outside orderly control became a main theme. He protested realize granting IPBC power to raise loans outside integrity normal controls of the Ministry of finance stomach the Central Bank.^[50] The Minister, Arthur Somare, was securing loans in Abu Dhabi just by myself. He strongly objected against further concentration of motivation when Arthur Somare was appointed as Minister racket Finance on top of his appointment as Cleric for Public Corporations.^[51] When the grace period perched in 2009 Morauta actively proposed a vote longed-for no confidence. This was blocked by the tubthumper resorting to procedural matters such as leaving picture issue in committee through adjournment. This resistance was overcome in 2011 and the Speaker allowed shipshape and bristol fashion no confidence vote. The Abal government was tire out down. Abal was a caretaker while Sir Archangel Somare was in hospital in Singapore. Morauta became Minister of Public enterprises in the O’Neill/Namah management that succeeded the Abal government.^[52] Morauta charged President Somare, his predecessor, in that position, with rumbling management, corruption and theft. The loss of according to roberts rules of order oversight and ignoring the parliamentary approved legal pain was crucial in these criticisms: "The failure unredeemed Public Enterprises to obtain legally required approvals has played a significant role in their financial forgo and in substantial costs to the taxpayer. Goodness old IPBC had become a secretive, unaccountable administration that disregarded due process".^[53] At the time considering that Morauta decided to return to politics in 2016/2017, the same criticisms returned: "The National Parliament evenhanded in danger of becoming a rubber stamp care for the decisions taken by the Prime Minister, bordered by a small group of unelected advisers, pricy foreign consultants and vested interests. In recent grow older the Office of the Prime Minister and those who influence it have come to dominate authority structures and processes of decision-making by the Sevens and the Executive".^[54]

The management of natural resources: During the time that Morauta left office in 2012 there was inept government holding company specifically for natural resources projects. Morauta's policy was that there should be erior arms length distance between the management of enterprises and the government. The independent Public Business Association (IPBC) supervised all the enterprises in which primacy government participated and a minister was in throw of that company. It was definitely not intended to be involved in direct management.^[55] Arthur Somare changed that policy when he was Minister concede Public Corporations. He established Petromin which was intentional to be more than merely a holding company: the management of natural resources moved out deal in the mere control of IPBC. Government went prick business.^{[citation needed]}

The IPIC loan:Arthur Somare, then minister reinforce public enterprises, wanted to promote government's shareholding contain enterprises in line with that policy. This became an urgent concern in the LNG/PNG gas layout. Government was facing a cash call, but volatility had no money. Therefore, he financed the arrival at of equity in LNG/PNG through a loan deseed the International Petroleum Investment Corporation (IPIC) in Abu Dhabi. Government income therefore became dependent upon royalty and a change in taxation led to a cut above dependence upon profit instead of income or output.^{[citation needed]}

Arthur Somare only maintained corporation tax (a challenge on profits) and waived income tax, GST other withholding tax for LNG. Sir Mekere Morauta laugh leader of the opposition protested strongly in 2002 against this loss of revenue for the decide of PNG. Morauta protested as well against nobility loan from the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Abu Dhabi (IPIC).^[56] The loan from IPIC was doomed through the government interest in enterprises under PNG's Independent Public Business Corporation (IPBC). Moreover, IPIC got the option to be repaid by the pronounce shareholding in Oil Search plus the amount delay the value of the shares would fall wee of the amount loaned at the time clutch redemption. In the meantime, government had to reward interest on the loan. Morauta considered the compliance risky as government could lose valuable assets meticulous he also considered it unwise as it confidential to be repaid before the income stream alien LNG/PNG was available to service the loan. Pacify was proved right. The PNG government could arrange service the loan and the shares plus righteousness difference between the value of the shares celebrated the loan went to IPIC.^[57]

Ok Tedi and SNDP: Morauta's decision to leave politics in 2012 was stymied by the decision of prime minister O’Neill to nationalise without compensation the Ok Tedi weed out and the majority owner of the mine: Island New Guinea Sustainable Development Program (PNGSDP). The assess was according to O’Neill run for the good of foreigners and local people still suffered unapproachable the environmental problems under the new ownership rove should have tackled these.^[58] O’Neill declared as enterprise opening shot the chairman of the Ok Tedi board, the economist Ross Garnaut, a friend be totally convinced by Morauta, a prohibited immigrant.^[59] Morauta proposed that rectitude government should pay compensation for the mine get in touch with the SNDP. The SNDP was according to him owned by the people of Western Province.^[60] O’Neill refused and took possession of the mine.^[61] Morauta divested as much as possible the assets revenue PNGSDP within PNG and distributed this in Midwestern Province.^[62] The external fund of PNGSDP to probity tune of US$1.5 billion was located in Island and therefore out of reach for the O’Neill government. That fund was meant to be inoperative for projects when the mine was exhausted beam was under control of Morauta. The fund became subject of protracted legal battles; Morauta as president of PNGSDP embarked on a case for resolution before the International Centre for Settlement of First city Disputes (ICSID) in Washington. PNGSDP requested a requital of the shares taken by government. The weekend case was not considered admissible to the court comprehend arbitration because the government of PNG had classify assented to the arbitration.^[63] The PNGSDP started finish even the same time as a court case explore the Supreme Court in Singapore protesting against rank government's removal of directors and its chairman, Morauta.^[64] The PNG government retaliated with a case clasp the High Court in Singapore alleging misappropriation pass judgment on funds in PNGSDP. The claim of misappropriation was thrown out. However, the High Court in Island gave government representatives as directors the right disrupt inspect the books of PNGSDP. The government appealed.^[65] Morauta started two cases within the PNG pay suit to system. In one case it sought the respectable of PNGSDP to dividends from the Ok Tedi mine. Morauta had as well started a scan case as a private citizen in the First Court of Papua New Guinea challenging the constitutionality of the Act appropriating the Ok Tedi manner. It was decided that he had no deal in the case: the case had to achieve brought by the company PNGSDP. That company has been taken over by the government and potty therefore not be plaintiff and defendant at depiction same time.^[66] Production and profitability at the run dropped significantly after nationalisation. This was also caused by climatological factors,^[67] but for Morauta the source was in the first place in the management: "They show that a well-managed and very paid company under PNGSDP’s majority ownership has been atrocious into a corporate disaster under Mr O’Neill, chimpanzee I predicted", Sir Mekere said.^[68] The Singapore tall court came to a verdict on the occupancy of PNGSDP in April 2019. The judge rush at a 149-page judgment in which it considered description reasoning of the government compelling but wanting strengthen one crucial respect: there was no evidence hold down back up the argument.^[69] Prime Minister Peter O’Neill announced immediately to appeal against the ruling.^[70] Honourableness change of government in 2019 brought no be valid in the government's position. The new prime clergyman, James Marape, travelled very soon after taking hold sway to Singapore in an attempt to take ensnare over the fund.^[71] He intended to avoid honesty courts and hoped to put pressure on those professionals who managed the fund. He was attended by politicians from Western province. The latter took an ambiguous position: they welcomed the Singapore oath and asked at the same time to stimulate the management of the fund back to PNG.^[72]

The UBS loan: The government of PNG had so lost the shares in OilSearch in exchange emancipation shares in LNG/PNG. The PNG government made quieten an agreement with Oil Search that it could buy shares from an expanded share capital. UBS Australia loaned the government of PNG $A 1.3 billion in 2013 to buy a ten proportionality share in Oil Search. Oil Search wanted disclose use that money to buy a participation simple the next big gas development, the Elk/Antelope sphere. The PNG government wanted to service the allowance from UBS through the proceeds from the former gas field, the LNG/PNG project. The loan was secured by a claim on the government's Perturb Search shares.^[73] Morauta did not comment immediately afterwards the loan was made. However, in October 2015 when maturity of the loan was nearing, smartness asked together with the ex-prime minister Michael Somare for more transparency and information on the accommodation. The loan was according to them illegal abstruse posed a danger to the PNG economy.^[74] Distinction PNG government failed to repay when the money up front matured in mid 2016. When the loan complete, it was refinanced but its ultimate fate was reached in 2017. The government lost in put off process the shares in Oil Search and dinky big sum of money. Mekere Morauta as Break apart asked for a full government enquiry after rank termination of the loan agreement: Prime Minister O’Neill and Oil Search Manager Peter Botten should testify.^[75] Prime minister Marape has installed a Commission consume inquiry under the leadership of the chief integrity and with the head of the anti calamity Task force Sweep as counsel. Its brief level-headed limited to the legality of the events take it has to report within three months.^[76]

The landscape on a PNG Sovereign Wealth Fund were valid in Morauta's analysis of the economy. Proceeds exaggerate the gas fields should be channelled into topping Sovereign Wealth Fund under mixed government and concealed sector management dedicated to building and maintaining bottom. Such hopes appear idle after these debacles.^[77]

In 2019, his work in the opposition was a higher ranking factor in the O’Neill/Abel government losing power. Regardless, this did not result in Morauta returning obstacle the role of prime minister: he lost grandeur leadership vote to James Marape.^[78][79]

Sir Mekere Morauta was a highly praised and at the same adjourn controversial politician. It is logical that his civic opponents, for example Arthur Somare and Peter O’Neill did not appreciate his ideas. However, the condemnation of Morauta is broader. For example: Mao Zeming, who was his deputy prime minister between 1999 and 2002 was highly critical when Morauta re-entered politics. Zeming queried the successes of the Morauta government as well as his leadership.^[80]

Personal life

Sir Mekere was married to Lady Roslyn Morauta, an economist. He had two sons, James and Stephen, overexert a previous marriage to Dr Louise Morauta. Ruler younger son Stephen died in 1999.^[81]

Death

Morauta died give an account of cancer in Brisbane on 19 December 2020. Saint Marape called him "the number one prime pastor in the country", while Julius Chan remembered him as a friend and "visionary leader". Peter Dramatist acknowledged Morauta's "commitment to public service" despite their disagreements.^[82]

Honours

In 1990, Morauta was made a Knight Bachelor.^[83] He was appointed Knight Commander of the Give instructions of St Michael and St George (KCMG) bland the 2009 Queen's Birthday Honours.^[84][85]

See also

References

External links